Category Archives: Cabinet Office

March 13, 2025 · 6:32 am

Cabinet Office unsuccessfully appeals FOIA information notices

When a public authority relies on an exemption to refuse to disclose information in response to a Freedom of Information Act request, the requester can ask the Information Commissioner’s Office for a decision as to whether the refusal was in accordance with the law. In order to make such a decision, the ICO may often need to see the information withheld by the public authority. Where the public authority is unwilling to provide this, or perhaps drags its heels over it, the ICO may serve, under section 51 of FOIA, an “information notice”, requiring the information to be provided. Failure to comply with an Information Notice can be certified as contempt of court, but there is a right of appeal to the First-tier Tribunal.

And so it was that the Tribunal recently found itself hearing appeals by the Cabinet Office in relation to two Information Notices served on it by the ICO, who is investigating whether FOIA requests for information relating to Rishi Sunak’s declarations of interest when he was Prime Minister.

The Cabinet Office sought to argue, among other things, that access by the ICO was not necessary, was unfair and damaging to the process of handling ministerial declarations of interest, and would constitute unlawful processing of personal data. All of these arguments got short shrift from the Tribunal – ultimately, it held that it would not be possible to determine whether any of the exemptions prayed in aid by the Cabinet Office were made out without an examination of the material, and the appeals were dismissed.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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March 12, 2025 · 4:50 am

Cabinet Office wins Covid face masks FOIA appeal

The Information Tribunal has overturned a decision of the Information Commissioner’s Office and ruled that the Cabinet Office is not required to disclose minutes of meetings in June and July 2020 at which policy decisions were taken to make mandatory the wearing of face masks in shops and on public transport.

It is a shame that, for a decision of some import, the judgment reads like a stream-of-consciousness draft, and that it is infused with unnecessary sarcasm at various points.

The ICO had determined that although the exemption at s35 FOIA (for information relating to the formulation of government policy) was engaged. He acknowledged the importance of a protected space for government decision-making, and of the principle of collective responsibility, but decided that the “exceptionally weighty” public interest favoured disclosure.

The Tribunal, however, via reasoning which is – frankly – very difficult to follow, appears to have focused on the issue of “accountability”, something that the requester had mentioned rather in passing in support of his request, but which was not a matter expressly mentioned in the ICO’s decision. Having fixed on this concept, the Tribunal appears to have decided that as those in government at the time have since been held accountable in various ways, there was diminished public interest in achieving accountability by way of disclosure of the requested information. The key passage is probably this (at 57):

In considering the context of this request there is a stark contrast between the salience and effectiveness of other multiple forms of accountability…and the value of the information sought – in contrast with the risk of harm to the functioning of government caused by its release disproportionate to any benefit.

I do not say the Tribunal has necessarily got this wrong, but I do say that this a FOIA case of some significance, and that it warranted a clearer judgment.

Whether the judgment is amenable to an appeal is not entirely clear, but it’s worth pointing out that the original requester was not a party to, and was not joined to, these proceedings, and so I do not believe he himself has a right of appeal to the Upper Tribunal, and one wonders whether the ICO will have the enthusiasm to do so, given the costs involved.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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February 19, 2025 · 9:41 am

The state of central government transparency

[reposted from my LinkedIn account]

This is one of the most extraordinary FOIA judgments I’ve ever seen, and it says an awful lot about the approach to transparency at the centre of the civil service.

The Cabinet Office have been trying to resist disclosure under FOIA of copies of blank ministerial declaration of interest forms, on grounds that to do so would be prejudicial to the conduct of public affairs, because among other things [checks notes] “Disclosure may lead to speculative scrutiny regarding why certain elements are included in the forms, potentially leading to amendments to the form which undermines its effectiveness”.

But there’s also an extraordinary citation of a piece of evidence given by a Cabinet Office witness – the “Director of Propriety and Ethics” – to the effect that the system for Minister declaring interests relies heavily on the trust and candour of Ministers, and the effect of disclosure would be that they “may be reluctant to provide the same level of detail” than they do currently.

Let’s just think about that. Ministers have a constitutional and ethical duty to declare interests, but this relies on trust and candour, and disclosure of a blank declaration form might mean that those we trust to be candid in their ethical duty to declare those interests might decide to be less trustworthy and candid as a result? What a sorry state of affairs.

Fortunately, the Information Tribunal, like the Information Commissioner’s Office before, had no truck with these arguments, and refused the Cabinet Office’s appeal.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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August 30, 2024 · 6:40 am

FOI performance data – and some suggestions

In the last couple of years the approach by the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) to Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA) regulation and enforcement has greatly improved. Kudos to the Commissioner, John Edwards, Warren Seddon, Director of Freedom of Information and Transparency and all the other people who’ve contributed to the improvement.

But what the increased focus on public authorities’ performance is showing is how poor, in many cases, it is: in particular, many public authorities are failing – whether through lack of resource, or lack of concern (or a combination of both) – to comply with statutory and guideline timescales for compliance. It’s evident that more could (and should) be done.

Parts 8.5 and 8.6 of the 2018 Code of Practice, issued by the Cabinet Office under section 45 of FOIA, says that public authorities with over 100 Full Time Equivalent (FTE) employees should, as a matter of best practice, publish on a quarterly basis, details of their FOIA compliance. The information should include:

The number of requests received during the period;

The number of the received requests that have not yet been processed;

The number of the received requests that were processed in full (including numbers for those that were met within the statutory deadline, those where the deadline was extended and those where the processing took longer than the statutory deadline);

The number of requests where the information was granted in full;

The number of requests where the information was refused in full; The number of requests where the information was granted in part and refused in part;

The number of requests received that have been referred for internal review (this needs only reporting annually).

Such statistics were meant to extend to the wider the public sector the performance data reporting by central government.

However, six years on, in my experience and to my knowledge, very few public authorities who are meant to be doing this are in fact doing so – including, as far as I can ascertain, the ICO itself.

I have three suggestions.

  1. The ICO should start to compile and publish this information (if it doesn’t lead by example, it can hardly criticise other public authorities for failing to publish).
  2. The ICO should write an open letter to all public authorities with more than 100 FTE staff, asking them to write to the ICO advising whether they are complying with parts 8.5 and 8.6 of the Code, and if they are not, whether they are taking steps to. (I bear in mind that the ICO will not know which public authorities have not than 100 FTE staff, which is why it might need to be an open letter). In the event of future FOI complaints about performance, the ICO could then have regard to whether or not (or how) a public authority had responded to the open letter.
  3. If – as I suspect – there is, or comes to be, a widely held view that the requirements of parts 8.5 and 8.6 of the Code are too onerous for many public authorities, then consideration should be given by the Cabinet Office, in consultation with the ICO, to issuing a new/revised Code (section 45 empowers the Minister for the Cabinet office to issue, or revise, the Code “from time to time”).

It can be in no one’s interests – not public authorities’, not the ICO’s and not the public’s – to have a Code of recommended good practice which is simply ignored by many. If it’s ignored because its requirements, if followed would impose too great a burden, then get the thing changed. But – also – make sure that any revisions still address the need for better data on performance than currently exists.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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October 23, 2023 · 1:15 pm

Verging on contempt

Where the Information Commissioner serves a decision notice on a public authority, under section 50(3)(b) of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA), it is a legal notice and a failure to comply may be treated by the High Court (or in Scotland, the Court of Session) as if the authority had committed a contempt of court. It is, therefore (and to state the obvious) a serious matter not to comply. The process involves the Commissioner “certifying” to the court that there has been a failure to comply.

Yet, a recent FOIA disclosure by the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) reveals that it currently has two such cases where it has referred non-compliance by one particular public authority to its own solicitors to initiate (or at least consider) certification proceedings. The rather remarkable thing is that the public authority in question is the government department with overall responsibility for FOIA policy – namely, the Cabinet Office.

The disclosure reveals no more in the way of detail – we do not know what the cases relate to, or what the current progress is (other than court proceedings have not yet commenced). However, it is very rare for a case actually to proceed to certification (in fact, I can only recall one case relating to a s50(3)(b) decision notice, and that was instead certified to the High Court by the First-tier Tribunal under section 61 of FOIA (as it applied then)).

It is worth pointing out that it doesn’t necessarily follow that, if there were a finding of contempt, sanctions would be imposed. Although a committal application or fines are, in principle, available, the Court could merely make a public finding that the Cabinet Office had breached the obligation to respond to the decision notice, but impose no further punishment.

Over the years the Cabinet Office has been subject to much criticism for its approach to FOIA – some of it, quite frankly, fully justified. However, there have been encouraging signs of improvements more recently, with its response to the “Clearing House” review, and its setting up of an Information Rights User Group (of which I am a member), although the latter has not fully kicked off yet, as far as I can understand.

However, it is a terrible look for the primus inter pares of government departments, and the one which holds the brief for FOIA policy, to be faced with potential contempt proceedings for failure to do what the law, and the regulator, requires it to do. Although the original FOIA request to the ICO was not mine, I’ll be interested to see if any updates are given.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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December 18, 2022 · 10:48 am

ICO investigated potential FOI criminal offences by government departments

Under section 77 of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA) a person commits a criminal offence if – after someone has made a request for information to a public authority, and would have been entitled to disclosure of that information – he or she

alters, defaces, blocks, erases, destroys or conceals any record held by the public authority, with the intention of preventing the disclosure by that authority of all, or any part, of the information to the communication of which the applicant would have been entitled

This is the only section of FOIA which carries a criminal penalty. It is very rarely invoked: since FOIA commenced in January 2005, there has been just one successful prosecution brought by the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) (and, as far as I know, only one other, unsuccessful, prosecution).

One reason for the lack of cases is that the ICO can only bring a prosecution within six months of the offence occurring. This has been identified for many years as an issue which should be addressed (but successive governments have declined to do so).

Nonetheless, a recent FOIA disclosure by the ICO reveals that in the last few years potential section 77 offences by government departments have been investigated. The request, made via the public WhatDoTheyKnow platform, was for information on “all Section 77 investigations carried out regardless of outcome for all Government departments”. In response, the ICO disclosed that

we have opened the following cases with regard to allegations of s77 allegations against Government Departments:
PCB/0013/2018 – MoJ IC/506/2020 – DWP IC/0549/2020 – Cabinet Office INV/0950/2021 – Cabinet Office.

This appears to suggest the existence of four separate investigations. In response to a request for further comment the ICO press office stated to me that none of the cases was still open, but declined to say any more. This seems to confirm that no proceedings were brought as a result of the investigations, but it is not possible to speculate on the reasons why. Nor are details available as to the circumstances under which the investigations were made.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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June 8, 2022 · 12:11 pm

GDPR reprimands for Cabinet Office, UKIP, CPS & ors

A piece by me just uploaded to the Mishcon de Reya website, on an FOI disclosure to me of the most recent reprimands under GDPR/ UK GDPR issued by the Information Commissioner

ICO reprimands Cabinet Office, UKIP, CPS and others for (mishcon.com)

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February 22, 2022 · 6:03 pm

The Seepage of Information Act

Transport yourself back to January 2020 (what a different world that was). You are a journalist, or maybe just an informed citizen, and you want to know what preparations the government had made in the event Boris Johnson had lost his seat in the general election a month previously.

You make a request for this information to the Cabinet Office under the Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA). You know that you should get a response within twenty working days (section 10 of FOIA says so). And you know that there is a regulator (the Information Commissioner, or “ICO”) who oversees compliance with FOIA.

What you probably don’t expect is that, 25 months on, you not only haven’t received the information you requested but you have only just had a ruling from the ICO that you are not entitled to it.

That’s how long it has taken this request to make its way through what is an unacceptably slow process. The requester made the request to the Cabinet Office on 7 January 2020. By 12 March 2020 they had had no response whatsoever, so complained to ICO. Three months later, on 16 June 2020, ICO formally told the Cabinet Office to pull its finger out. On 3 August it did, and refused to disclose the requested information, citing one of the statutory exemptions. On 22 September 2020 the requester again complained to ICO, who then took sixteen months to decide that the Cabinet Office was entitled to rely on the exemption claimed.

What follows is far from a fully thought-out legal argument, but bear with me for the purposes of polemic: Article 10 of European Convention on Human Rights says that everyone has the qualified right to receive information (as well as to impart information) without interference by public authority. Previous attempts to argue that Article 10 confers something above and beyond FOIA in respect of accessing information from public authorities have foundered, on the grounds that, in context, Article 10 doesn’t add anything to the rights in FOIA (see Kennedy, para 92 and elsewhere). But it does seem to me that if the regulatory scheme itself interposes a delay which might be, as here, 1600% longer than the original statutory timescale given to the original recipient for responding to the request, the basis might arise for mounting an argument that the scheme fails to avoid public authority interference in the Article 10 fundamental right.

Maybe I’m overreaching. Let’s just say this: it cannot be right that it takes over two years to get a response and a regulatory decision on a FOIA request. Let’s hope new Commissioner John Edwards sorts this out.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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November 26, 2020 · 11:59 am

HMG FOI “Clearing House” – infringing GDPR?

I’ve written a piece for OpenDemocracy questioning the legality of the government’s practice of circulating some FOI requesters’ names across all departments.

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August 9, 2014 · 4:31 pm

Lay, Laddie, Lay

In which I suggest the Information Commissioner could lay a report at Westminster drawing attention to compliance with time limits under the FOIA Act

The Scottish Information Commissioner (SIC), Rosemary Agnew, this week used the powers available to her under section 46(3) of the Freedom of Information (Scotland) Act 2002 (FOISA) to lay a report before the Holyrood Parliament. The report draws MSPs’ (and others) attention to

the issue of failure [by Scottish public authorities] to respond to information requests, and to stimulate debate about what we can collectively do to address it

The background is that approximately 25% of complaints to Agnew’s office in 2013/14 were about failures to respond to requests for information. Section 46(3) of FOISA permits the laying of reports “from time to time” by the SIC with respect to her functions. It thus confers a broad discretion on the SIC to draw attention to matters of concern to her. The report says

– Many public authorities have shown that it is possible to respond on time to large volumes of requests, but too many authorities are still not doing so. Delays and obfuscation are not only damaging to authorities’ relationships with individual requesters but also Scotland’s reputation for openness and transparency.
– The FOI experience is not consistent for all requesters or types of requesters
– Failure to respond is an issue, but it is not uniform across all Scottish public authorities.  Issues are more acute in some authorities than others

Requesters in the rest of UK experience similar difficulties, and similar lack of consistency, whereby some authorities are exemplary in the timeliness of responses to FOI requests, and some are very poor. As that last link indicates, the rUK Information Commissioner (IC) does monitor authorities for FOI compliance. He has also issued informal undertakings and even on occasions issued enforcement notices against authorities performing particularly poorly. However, what evidence there is does not suggest that this has led to overall improvements. Since 2009 the number of decision notices issued annually by the IC in which section 10 (“time for compliance”) was a factor have been as follows: 223 in 2009, 276 in 2010, 371 in 2011, 227 in 2012, 223 in 2013. These figures represent approximately 25% of all cases. They are not directly comparable with the SIC’s figures (which represent complaints made, rather than decisions notices issued) but they do suggest similar problems both sides of the border.

The IC does have essentially the same powers as the SIC to lay reports before Parliament (under section 49(2) of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 (FOIA)). However he has never exercised this FOIA power (there have been a couple of reports laid relating to data protection concerns). Given the serious concerns expressed by commentators about certain authorities’ attitude to FOIA, perhaps a report to Parliament would be a way of promoting debate – and improved compliance – which regulatory action has, to date, failed to achieve.

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