Tag Archives: judicial review

Liz Truss leadership election not amenable to JR

Was the leadership election in which Liz Truss was elected as leader of the Conservative Party (and as a result of which she was recommended to the Queen by the outgoing Boris Johnson, and appointed by the Queen as her Prime Minister) a decision amenable to judicial review?

Whether a person is a public authority for the purposes of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 is, in principle, a relatively straightforward issue: is it listed in Schedule 1 to FOIA?; or has it been designated as such by order under section 5?; or is it wholly owned by the public sector?

Whether a person is a public authority under section 6 of the Human Rights Act 1998, or whether a person is a public authority amenable to judicial review, are more complex questions.

It was the last of these that the Court of Appeal had primarily to consider in Tortoise Media Ltd, R (On the Application Of) v Conservative and Unionist Party [2025] EWCA Civ 673. Tortoise Media had written to the Party seeking certain information in relation to the leadership election process, and argued that the public effects of the leadership election meant that, in those circumstances, the Party was exercising a public function for the purposes of CPR 54.1(2). The follow-on argument was that the judgment of the ECtHR in Magyar Helsinki Bizottság v Hungary meant that the domestic courts should read down Article 10 of the ECHR (as incorporated in domestic law in the HRA) as imposing, in some cases, a positive obligation on a body to provide information to the media, who act as “watchdogs” in the public interest.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, though, the Court of Appeal did not accept that the effects and circumstances of the Party leadership election made the decision of the Party amenable to JR:

the nature of the act of electing a party leader…is at all times a private act. The fact that it has important, indirect consequences for the public does not transform a private act into a public one.

For that reason, the Court did not need to consider the Article 10/Magyar arguments (but on which, one feels – having regard to the submissions on behalf of the Duchy of Lancaster, as intervener, which argued that the Supreme Court’s decisions in Sugar and in Kennedy (which did not follow the reasoning in Magyar) bound all inferior courts – the claimants would have in any case lost).

It’s an interesting read, even if it was – to put it mildly – an ambitious case to bring.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under access to information, Article 10, Freedom of Information, human rights, judgments, judicial review

Exceptionally unlikely: ICO and judicial review

[reposted from my LinkedIn account]

Where Parliament has entrusted a specialist body with bringing prosecutions, such as the Serious Fraud Office, or the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO), it is “only in highly exceptional circumstances” that a court will disturb a decision made by that body (see Lord Bingham in R(Corner House and others) v Director of the Serious Fraud Office [2008] UKHL 60)).

Such was the situation faced by the claimant in an unsuccessful recent application for judicial review of two decisions of the ICO.

The claimant, at the time of the events in question, was a member of the Labour Party and of the Party’s “LGBT+Labour” group, She had been concerned about an apparent disclosure of the identity and trans status of 120 members of a “Trans Forum” of the group, of which she was also a member, and of what she felt was a failure by the LGBT+Labour group to inform members of the Forum of what had happened.

She reported this to the ICO as potential offences under sections 170 and 173 of the Data Protection Act 2018 (it’s not entirely clear what specific offences would have been committed), and she asked whether she was “able to discuss matters relating to potential data breaches with the individuals involved”. The ICO ultimately declined to prosecute, and also informed her that disclosing information to the individuals could in itself “potentially be a section 170 offence”.

The application for judicial review was i) in respect of the “warning” about a potential prosecution in the event she disclosed information to those data subjects, and her subsequent rejected request for a commitment that she would not be prosecuted, and ii) in respect of the decision not to prosecute LGBT+Labour.

Neither application for permission succeeded. In the first case, there was no decision capable of being challenged: it was an uncontroversial statement by the ICO about a hypothetical and fact-sensitive future situation, and in any event she was out of time in bringing the application. In the second case, there were no “highly exceptional circumstances” that would enable the court “to consider there was a realistic prospect of showing that the ICO had acted outside the wide range of its discretion when deciding not to prosecute”.

One often sees suggestions that the ICO should be JRd over its failure to take action (often in a civil context). This case illustrates the deference that the courts will give to its status and expertise both as regulator and prosecutor. Outside the most exceptional of cases, such challenges are highly unlikely to succeed.

Peto v Information Commissioner [2025] EWHC 146 (Admin)

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under crime, Data Protection, Data Protection Act 2018, Information Commissioner, judgments, judicial review

Third party rights under FOIA

[reposted from LinkedIn]

In a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) matter there are two parties with express rights and obligations – the requester and the public authority (PA) – with the potential for the regulator – the Information Commissioner’s Office – to become involved if there is a dispute.

But there is often a third party involved, and one who has no express rights under FOIA – the person to whom requested information relates. This can be a corporate, but sometimes it will be an individual (think, for example of MPs whose expense claims were sought from the Commons many years ago).

The code of practice issued by the Cabinet Office under section 45 of FOIA recommends as best practice that, where a PA receives a request for information where a third party’s interests are engaged, the third party should be consulted, and given the opportunity to make representations. But the Code is clear that those representations cannot bind the PA, and that the decision on disclosure is ultimately for the PA to make.

All of this should, of course, run its course within the 20 working days that FOIA allows for responding to a request. So quite how a request from 2019, to the Legal Services Agency (LSA) for Northern Ireland, regarding the grant of legal aid to a self-styled peace campaigner, has only just been determined in the High Court is a pressing question. Nonetheless, the judgment (though slightly odd) is worth reading.

The man in question, Raymond McCord, was invited to make representations on the request (made by a unionist MP), having been informed of the LSA’s intention to disclose. He brought immediate judicial review proceedings to prevent disclosure and the LSA undertook not to disclose until the ICO had given a view on the lawfulness of processing (I pause to note that the LSA’s suggestion that McCord had an alternative remedy by way of a complaint to the ICO after disclosure for a determination as to whether FOIA had been complied with was wrong in law, and flawed in logic).

The ICO gave an opinion in June 2020 that disclosure would likely be both unfair and unlawful, but stressed that the opinion “is in no way legally binding in this case, however, it should be of assistance to the court in making a final decision.”

No explanation is given in the judgment of why it then took over four years for the court to rule on the application. This is simply ridiculous.

Nevertheless, the court conducted a rather eccentric analysis of the authorities on disclosure of personal data under FOIA (and of various non-authoritative prior ICO decision notices) before determining, five whole years (rather than twenty working days) after the FOIA request, that the information should be disclosed, holding that “the applicant cannot complain of any breach of privacy in respect of his pursuit of high‑profile public interest litigation in circumstances where he himself has commented publicly on the issues”.

The judgment, ultimately, is rather unsatisfactory. The interim judgment (in 2020(!)) of Keegan J, which noted the undertaking by the LSA not to disclose pending the ICO’s ruling, discusses alternative remedies, and implies that McCord would have a right to appeal the ICO’s decision to the First tier Tribunal. However, this predates the Killock and Delo cases which make clear that there is no substantive data subject right of appeal from an ICO data protection decision through the tribunal system. In Killock the Upper Tribunal made clear that a substantive data subject challenge (rather than a procedural one) to the ICO should, indeed, be by way of judicial review proceedings.

And it remains the case that, if you are a third party who has an interest (maybe a profound interest) in information which a public authority is proposing to disclose, in response to a FOIA request, your rights are unclear and limited.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under Data Protection, FOIA, Information Commissioner, judgments, judicial review