Category Archives: Data Protection

MPs and Data Protection offences, part two.

In which I follow up a previous post, ask the ICO what action he is taking and consider the implications for ICO funding under proposed amendment of data protectionlaws

In a previous post I pointed out that 22 MPs who had been identified in October 2011 as not having registered with the Information Commissioner (ICO) were still showing as not being registered. As I said, failure to register in circumstances where there should be a registration constitutes a criminal offence under section 21 of the Data Protection Act 1998. The blog post got some interest, so I thought I should follow it up with this request to the ICO under the Freedom of Information Act 2000. The request can be seen on the excellent whatdotheyknow.com but I thought it would be useful to post a copy here:

Dear Information Commissioner’s Office

In October last year you disclosed to another requester a list of
46 MPs who had not renewed their section 18 DPA registration with
your office. You explained some of the procedure for enforcing the
statutory requirement to register, and explained that

“Prosecution is usually the last resort when all else fails and we
do give ample opportunity for the data controller to register. The
legal team are not currently considering any MPs for prosecution.”

It appears, from a check of your register that, currently, 22 of
those same MPs have still not registered, more than seven months
later. These are

Z1243695
NIGEL EVANS MP
Z1434043
GAVIN BARWELL
Z1939110
EDWARD LEIGH MP
Z9286519
KHALID MAHMOOD MP
Z1993957
JAMES CLAPPISON MP
Z1102604
ANGUS ROBERTSON MP
Z9256111
JIM SHANNON
Z927838X
DAVID SIMPSON
Z1577500
DAVID BURROWES
Z1538835
PAT DOHERTY MP MLA
Z2134863
MARGARET CURRAN
Z2241138
RACHEL REEVES MP
Z2241519
NIGEL ADAMS
Z2247846
STUART ANDREW
Z9938280
SHAILESH VARA MP
Z2342005
TRISTRAM HUNT
Z1893869
PAUL BERESFORD
Z1903198
CHRISTOPHER CHOPE MP
Z2378834
JESSICA LEE
Z8752516
ERIC JOYCE MP
Z2343491
ZAC GOLDSMITH MP
Z1728512
ADAM HOLLOWAY

I note that in several instances these MPs appear not to have
renewed their notification for over a year.

Please inform me, under the Freedom of Information Act 2000

1. What enforcement action has been taken against these MPs?
2. How many reminders each has been given (I understand you
normally operate a two-reminder, then enforcement, system)
3. In addition to these 22, how many other MPs have not renewed
their notification? (as more than seven months have elapsed I
presume there will be some additional notifications which have
lapsed).

I acknowledge that the online register does not guarantee to be
up-to-date.

As my previous post said, enforcement of this provision of the DPA does not appear to have stopped: I have seen no announcement to suggest this, and it would be odd, to say the least, if the ICO decided to turn a blind eye to one of the clear offences in the DPA. What would make it particularly odd is the fact that registration represents a huge revenue stream for the ICO, and the more data controllers who register, the greater the income. A fee is levied against a data controller when they register, which amounts to either £35 or £500, depending on the size of the organisation. The last set of accounts show that the income to the ICO from this stream was just short of £15 million.

Clearly it is in the ICO’s interest to enforce this requirement. A failure to enforce, or a perceived failure to enforce could lead to data controllers deciding it’s worth taking a risk by not registering, to save an annual £35 or £500 (they know they would get at least two reminders as it is).

Finally, I note that under amendments to the statutory scheme which will follow the enactment of a new European data protection Regulation, this requirement to register will probably be removed. I presume someone has thought about the effect this will have on the funding of the ICO? £15 million is a hell of a lot to lose, and, the office is underfunded as it is.

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Godwin’s Law and Data Protection (or, Let’s Be Careful Out There)

A data protection officer I know has been having a bit of a hard time lately from his managers for questioning their relentless push to encourage greater sharing of information between their public sector organisation and other public sector bodies. My friend has been accused of not being a “can-do” person. In defence of his managers, they are being pushed themselves: despite the Conservative party’s pre-election pledge to “scale back the database state” and the Lib Dems’ commitments not to harvest unneccesary information about people’s private lives, data-sharing is being vigorously promoted.

Sometimes it’s important to share data. I blogged only yesterday about a situation where (if it’s true) a failure to share data possibly had tragic consequences. Similarly I remember once, when I worked in a mental health clinic, how two police officers came in and asked if we knew the whereabouts of one of our regular patients: I had been warned that some police officers would try to trick us into revealing information about our patients, but I knew that this patient was highly vulnerable and unstable and the officers apparently had good reason to know the information. I exercised a discretion that I still wonder about today to disclose that personal data. It was a judgement call, and sometimes you get them wrong –  I hope I didn’t then.

However, it is surely not uncontroversial to say that there are risks in excessive data-sharing. Paul Bernal has blogged today, prompted by the worrying success of the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn movement in last week’s Greek elections, about the importance of recognising what are the current, and historical, implications of surveillance of citizens by the state. “Surveillance” can take many forms – sometimes it’s video recording of people, or retention of their DNA. Sometimes it’s not even the state doing it, but citizens themselves: I recently wrote a rather crude post (which I need to re-visit) questioning whether it was a good idea to have hyper-local media collating and publishing information about people appearing in magistrates’ courts.

Sometimes, as well, it can take the form of creeping databases.  Thus, hypothetically, the state is able to collate the following: person W, who is Jewish, knows person X, who is a trade unionist, who has been known to associate with person Y, who is disabled and has twice been accused of crime Z. The state thinks this is useful data. It might be, but equally it might be excessive, or unnecessarily gathered, or retained too long.

In a modern, liberal, state, none of the identifiying features in my hypothetical example should really raise an eyebrow. In a non-liberal state, however, similar information that has possibly been innocently, or naively, collated, can be misused in horrendous ways: so, in 1940s Holland, municipal registers were used by the Nazis to identify and persecute Jews, trade union membership lists used to persecute organised labour and public health and crime records used to persecute the disabled and criminals.

Maybe I’ve godwinned myself and my own blog, but one cannot avoid the fact that modern digital communication and storage are tremendously powerful – unimaginably so compared to even ten years ago, let alone 70 years. Data-sharing can have enormous and beneficial implications, but we need to exercise caution. We mustn’t amass personal data just because we can. We mustn’t use that data for purposes which were not envisaged when we gathered it. And we mustn’t retain that data just because we can’t be bothered to think what to do with it after its usefulness has passed.

As it happens, all the foregoing  principles are actually enshrined in the statutory Principles in the Data Protection Act 1998. That Act gave domestic effect to an EC Directive, which in part had its genesis in the European Convention on Human Rights. That Convention – in turn – had its genesis in the lessons learned after a fascist party gained support in Europe, and then ultimately took power in a fractured and devastated country.

 

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Data Protection Obscenities

A tragic story about the suicide of a young man, and the apparent ridiculous citing of the Data Protection Act to explain why his mother was not warned.

A few years ago, Richard Thomas, the then Information Commissioner (ICO) launched a campaign to counter what were called “Data Protection Duck Outs”. It got some media attention, but I’ve always thought it suffered from sounding like the kind of phrase a “hip” teacher, or my parents, would have come up with. The ICO said

The Data Protection Act does not impose a blanket ban on the release of personal information. It requires a common sense approach, and should not be used as an excuse by those reluctant to take a balanced decision.

The bad-practice examples cited to illustrate the campaign were mostly light-hearted

In September 2008, Marks and Spencer wrongly blamed the Data Protection Act when they told a mother they could not discuss the delivery of her seven year old son’s Superman suit because it would infringe his data protection rights.
ICO view: Organisations should be cautious about releasing details of an order or account to a third party. However, in this case M&S was not being asked to release any personal information (only to confirm that a part of the suit was missing, and send it), so M&S could have spoken to the boy’s mother without breaching the Data Protection Act.

or

In 2005 it was reported that Catholic priests were no longer allowed to pray out loud for an ill person by name because they might be breaking data protection rules.
ICO view: Unless this sort of information was formally held on file it would not be covered by the Act. Even if it were on file, there would only be a breach if the person had specifically asked not to be mentioned or the church had reason to believe they would object.

Well, if the following story from thisiscornwall.co.uk is true, I have a current-day example, and I wouldn’t call it a “duck out” but an obscenity.

A man with a history of drug abuse killed himself in Camborne after being released from police custody, where he was detained under the Mental Health Act, a coroner has heard….Because of the Data Protection Act [his mother] did not know that her son had been detained and said she was powerless to help him.

The “duck out” campaign was launched because of misconceptions about the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA). The DPA certainly has faults, but you can bet your house that when you hear someone blaming the DPA for not doing something, it is either because they have made a mistake, and are trying to cover themselves, or because they are ignorant of what the Act does and does not permit. The Cornwall story is unclear as to who allegedly cited the DPA for not informing this poor man’s mother, but, just to be clear, Schedule 3 of the Act specifically permits disclosure of sensitive personal data where

The processing is necessary…in order to protect the vital interests of the data subject or another person, in a case where…consent cannot be given by or on behalf of the data subject, or…the data controller cannot reasonably be expected to obtain the consent of the data subject.

This is before we get to considering other factors – for instance whether an appropriate adult was a requirement in this instance, and the fact that under section 56 of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act a person detained has the right to have someone informed. In which case there would have certainly have been other conditions permitting disclosure (thanks to @MentalHealthCop on twitter, for pointing this out, and for alerting me to the story in the first place).

In 2004 the Bichard Inquiry report into the Soham Murders was highly critical about the misunderstandings and misinterpretations of the DPA which led to Humberside Police deleting information about Ian Huntley, and which subsequently meant that when Cambridgeshire Police ran checks on him, when he applied for a school-caretaker position, nothing came up.

The term “duck-out” doesn’t begin to describe the enormity of the mistaken decision to delete Huntley’s data, nor, if this Cornwall story is accurate, does it begin to describe the enormity of the decision – whoever might have taken it (and the story is unclear) – not to tell Daniel Carrick’s mother her son was detained. The current ICO is very keen to clamp down on serious breaches of the DPA, but these are almost exclusively concerned with the loss of, or inadvertent disclosure of, personal data. Perhaps he should also be alive to stories like this, which suggest potential tragic misconceptions and misuse of the DPA, and which really should carry the term Data Protection Fuck-Ups.

 

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Politicians break the law – where is the ICO?

Following up a post from last year, it appears that some MPs continue to flout their legal obligations under the Data Protection Act, potentially committing a criminal offence, and that the ICO doesn’t seem to be taking action. I’m happy to be told otherwise

 Back in November last year I blogged on the fact that 46 MPs had apparently failed to comply with their statutory obligation to notify the Information Commissioner of their status as a processor of personal data. In general terms Section 21 of the Data Protection Act 1998 creates a criminal offence if a data controller processes personal data without an entry being made in the register held by the Information Commissioner (ICO). Although there are rumours that the obligation to register will be removed when the DPA is ultimately amended or repealed, following the enactment of the European Data Protection Regulation (currently in draft), all the relevant provisions are very much still in force.

At the time the ICO said

 …our non notification process is to write to them asking for their comments and advise them to consider their need to notify. If the entity registers or provides a suitable explanation…that is usually the end of the matter and no further action is taken. If no response (or an inadequate response) is forthcoming then we write again explaining the requirement to notify and advising that failure to respond may result in the matter being passed to our legal team for consideration of prosecution. If there is still no response then the file is passed over for the legal team to consider the evidence and if they think there is sufficient evidence they will write advising that if no registration is received within 14 days or representations made as to why a prosecution should not be carried out then a summons will be issued.  If registration is then forthcoming then that is the end of the matter and no further action is taken. Prosecution is usually the last resort when all else fails and we do give ample opportunity for the data controller to register. The legal team are not currently considering any MPs for prosecution.

Well, I’ve just checked that list of 46 MPs who had not renewed their registration as at October last year, and, according to the register (which I stress is, as the ICO says, not necessarily absolutely up-to-date), 22 of them still haven’t (bear in mind as well that there may well others whose registration has lapsed in the interim). Most of those 22 are those whose registration has lapsed for longest. The worst apparent example is one MP who has not renewed his registration since July 2010! That is potentially almost two years of illegal processing of personal data.

 It is not as though the ICO never exercises his prosecution powers for non-registration. He certainly does – and has a “non-notification team” to deal with this sort of thing (although the last prosecution I can find was in March last year).

 My checking was prompted by an exchange on twitter with Alistair Sloan, who made enquiries of the ICO about registrations by Members of the Scottish Parliament, and by the Respect Party. Alistair was told

 Our Non-Notification Team, part of our Enforcement Department, have confirmed that the ICO has not contacted any members of the Scottish Parliament since 5th May 2011 in connection with Notification under the Data Protection Act 1998 (the DPA). Whilst this Team did work on a project which involved contacting MSP’s to remind them of the notification requirements under Part III of the DPA, this project took place some time before the date you have specified of 5 May 2011.

 and

 Having conducted thorough searches of our notification records we have been unable to find any register entry, either current or one which has lapsed, in the name of the Respect Party. Therefore, it appears that the Respect Party has not notified under the DPA at any time since its formation in November 2004.

 but

all of the issues you have raised in respect of the notification status of the data controllers… above have been brought to the attention of our Non-Notification Team within our Enforcement Department. They will therefore consider what further action is appropriate in the circumstances

 One assumes that the “further action” will be reminders. If the Respect Party now registers, I think it’s highly unlikely the ICO will take retrospective action for the seven-and-a-half years when it failed to do so. As it is, reminders appear to have failed to move 22 MPs to comply with their legal obligations, and no apparent action is being taken against them (I would love the ICO to correct me on this). One can’t avoid asking what sort of enforcement, what sort of deterrent is this?

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A Marathon Task for the ICO

Will the London Marathon databreach trigger the ICO’s powers to issue a monetary penalty notice? If so, the ICO is in a tricky position, if he is seen to be effectively “fining” such a high-profile charity, and delivering that money to central government coffers.

 Reports emerged on 23 April that the personal data of runners in this year’s London Marathon had inadvertently been disclosed on the organiser’s website. It appears that names, home addresses and email addresses were exposed. The BBC says

The details were accessible all day to anybody logging on to the site…Marathon organisers apologised and said the mistake had been rectified

A data controller must observe its various obligations under the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA). London Marathon Ltd appears to be the data controller in this instance, and it donates any surplus income to The London Marathon Charitable Trust. Last year the charity received £4.6m from the company. Some of the income came from the entrance fees of the runners themselves.

The seventh principle of the DPA says

Appropriate technical and organisational measures shall be taken against unauthorised or unlawful processing of personal data and against accidental loss or destruction of, or damage to, personal data

A breach of that principle may attract the attention of the regulator of the DPA – the Information Commissioner (ICO). The ICO has various options open to him in the event that he finds that a serious contravention has taken place. In some instances he will require a data controller to sign an undertaking to improve its practices, but since 2010 he has had the power, under section 55A of the DPA to issue a monetary penalty notice (MPN), to a maximum of £500,000. To date he has issued fourteen, largely to local authorities, and the maximum penalty has been £140,000.

The ICO has issued guidance [PDF] on the issuing of MPNs, which expands on the statutory factors which would trigger exercise of the power:

there has been a serious contravention… of a kind likely to cause substantial damage or substantial distress…[and] the data controller…knew or ought to have known… that there was a risk that the contravention would occur, and

…that such a contravention would be of a kind likely to cause substantial damage or substantial distress, but…failed to take reasonable steps to prevent the contravention

The BBC reports that the ICO has said

This is something the Information Commissioner will need to look in to to see how it has come about.

It’s the reasons these things come about that determine the course of the investigation.

Every case is different and we will certainly be making enquiries.

If the ICO does issue a MPN the money paid goes into the consolidated fund – the government’s own bank account. It is one thing to fine a local authority, and, as I have argued before, politically sensitive to fine, say, an NHS body, but it would be a enormously brave act for the ICO to fine an organisation for disclosing the personal data of thousands of the very people whose amazing efforts have contributed to the funds which would have to be depleted to pay the fine. Even more so when one sees the huge contributions being made to the charity supported by one runner who tragically died in this year’s race.

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Police complaints, a databreach and a High Court injunction

I notice an interesting application in the High Court.

 The Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) has been granted an injunction (actually, a second injunction) requiring that the first defendant, a Mark Warner, disclose to the IPCC the identity of the second defendant -“person(s) unknown” – who Mr Warner has indicated is holding certain information about a third party, as well as the circumstances in which they came to be in the possession of those person(s) unknown.

 The reason I’m posting about this is that it appears that the IPCC disclosed the information about the third party in error to Mr Warner while responding to a subject access request under section 7 of the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA).

 Mr Warner apparently received some of his own data in response to that section 7 request, but feels that there is further information to which he is entitled, and for his own reasons, has refused to return the papers relating to the third party sent to him by mistake, saying (in a telephone conversation with the IPCC):

If I do not get [the further material which he wants the IPCC to provide to him] within a reasonable timeframe I will not only hang onto the information which I have been sent in error, but I will identify it to Fleet Street

 The IPCC brought the current application not only to protect its own rights, but the Article 8 rights of the third party.

 One wonders if the Information Commissioner has been informed. Inadvertent disclosure of personal data of a third party, of a kind which requires a high court injunction to identify the “person(s) unknown”, sounds like a serious contravention of the DPA of a kind likely to cause substantial damage or distress. Such contraventions can attract monetary penalty notices of up to £500,000.

 As several local authorities know to their cost.

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In Praise of the ICO (or how to avoid a £500k fine)

In the UK if you process personal data, you must comply in relevant part with your obligations under the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA). This applies whether you are one of the world’s largest companies, or a sole-practitioner law firm, whether you’re a self-employed barrister, or the Lord Chief Justice of Northern Ireland. All of those hyperlinks go to examples of enforcement action taken by the Information Commissioner (IC) and are part of a regime which currently enables the IC, as statutory regulator, to impose, in appropriate cases, a civil monetary penalty notice of up to £500,000 for a serious contravention of the DPA. And when the draft European Commission Data Protection Regulation is ultimately passed, a similar contravention could risk a penalty of €1,000,000 or 2% of turnover for very large organisations. It is in any data controller’s interest to take all offers of advice and support to avoid the risk of sanctions under the DPA.

However much the IC and his office are criticised for failure to act, or failure to target the right data controllers, there are some things for which he and his office deserve praise. By section 51(1) of the DPA he must “promote the following of good practice by data controllers” and, by section 51(7) he

may, with the consent of the data controller, assess any processing of personal data for the following of good practice and shall inform the data controller of the results of the assessment

This is a power to conduct consensual audits. (There is also a power under s41A to conduct audits without consent, on central government bodies, and the IC would like that power extended, but I digress). In my view, if you are an organisation processing large amounts of and/or sensitive data, you would be mad not to consider this (with a couple of reservations I will address below).

Any in-depth audit of a statutory part of an organisation’s business will not normally come cheap (ask one of the “Big Four” accountancy firms how much their services cost, and then realise why they are called the Big Four). The IC could, with the Secretary of State’s agreement, charge for this service but (probably with a mind to his section 51(1) duty) he doesn’t.

So, you can ask for a in-depth audit of your compliance with the DPA. You can learn what the IC feels is best practice, get advice on improving poor practice and build positive relationships between your organisation and the IC’s office, and, in the event of a future major data breach,  it might well act as mitigation, because it would show at least that you are aware of your obligations and prepared to engage positively with the IC’s office. And all of this for free.

If you are a smaller organisation there is more informal approach by way of an Advisory Visit, again offered for free by the IC. Advisory visits involve a one-day visit and result in a short report.

The reservations I refer to earlier apply only really if your compliance is poor, and this is obvious to you. The IC, as a general approach, publishes summaries of his audits. What you really don’t want is for the IC to make a finding of “limited assurance” or “very limited assurance”. Additionally, although the IC will not publish any summary without your agreement, he will publish a note stating that an audit took place. Speculation being what it is, the fact that an organisation has not agreed to publication might not be viewed positively. So, if you suspect that your compliance is poor, my advice would be to get one of the specialist data protection advisory companies to audit you to. And appoint a good data protection officer (or pay more attention (and money) to him or her).

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STOP BOTHERING US!

I’m a customer of the mobile phone service provider O2. They’re OK. Probably much the same as the rest, but I’ve been with them for a few years now, and I’ve had no real problems with them. And every so often they give me an “upgrade” to a nice shiny new smartphone which half fools me into thinking I’m getting a nice deal.

This morning a corner (my favourite corner) of twitter was buzzing with news of a potential security flaw (or was it deliberate coding?) discovered by a twitter user by the name of @lewispeckover which meant that customers using O2’s mobile network to access the internet were inadvertently revealing their mobile phone number in the headers delivered when they visited a website. As Lewis succinctly put it

So, @O2 send my phone no in an HTTP header to every site I browse. WTF? Is this normal?

No, it’s not normal. Some people have very good reasons for not wanting their mobile numbers handed to third parties, especially when they aren’t aware that it’s being done, and I’m one of them (actually, I haven’t got a “very good reason”, other than I just don’t like it). I had intended blogging about why this incident might involve breaches of the first, second, seventh and eighth data protection principles in the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA), regulations 6 and 7 of the Privacy and Electronic Communications Regulations 2003 (PECR) and chapter II of the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (RIPA). However, as the news got picked up, first by specialist media then mainstream, and as I realised that people were complaining in numbers to the Information Commissioner (IC), who regulates compliance with both the DPA and the PECR (although not RIPA), I decided that the issue was in the appropriate hands.

But I still intended, when I got home from work tonight, making a complaint to that statutory regulator. This is a) an issue that concerns me, b) one I know something about, c) one that has made me a bit angry, and d) one I’m prepared to rant about. However, I noted, on my bus journey home, browsing the internet on my shiny smartphone via O2’s network, that the IC had updated his home page, and was saying

Today we’ve received a large number of complaints about an alleged data breach on the O2 mobile phone network.

We now have enough information to take this matter further, so there is no need for customers to complain to us.

Great. They’re taking the matter further. But hang on – they don’t want us to complain now, because they have enough information? Well, that’s a bit presumptuous, and risky (how do they know they’ve got enough information?). But also, it’s quite concerning. The IC has many powers available to him if he finds that a data controller has breached the DPA or the PECR. In assessing how bad a breach might be, he has to take into account various factors. For instance, from his own guidance on imposing Monetary Penalty Notices,

The number of individuals actually or potentially affected by the contravention

Hang on a minute.

The number of individuals actually or potentially affected by the contravention

Er.

I just question how can you can properly assess how many people have been affected by an alleged contravention if you discourage people from complaining about that alleged contravention?

And not satisfied with this attempt at dissuasion, the IC took to tweeting the same message, earlier this evening. He clearly doesn’t want any more people to send him complaints, but this could lead to a misleading assessment of the number of people actually affected. I’m sure that O2, in assisting the IC in his subsequent investigation, will tell him how many people were potentially affected, but, if were them, I would say “well, only a small number actually complained, so it wasn’t that bad a breach, after all”.

And this is not the first time the IC has done this. Currently, the first question and answer on his “Data Protection for the Public” FAQs page are

Q: I have received a letter from Welcome Financial Services Limited. What should I do?

We have recently been informed of a data breach involving Welcome Financial Services Limited including its business Shopacheck. We believe they are taking steps to inform those affected. We will be making enquiries into the circumstances of the apparent breach of the Data Protection Act before deciding what action, if any, needs to be taken.

As we are already aware of this issue and in contact with Welcome Financial Services Limited, there is no need to submit further complaints to this office. [emphasis added, as if you needed to know]

I do try to defend the IC and his office, and I know they are always sorely lacking funds, but when a regulator, who is supposed to be receptive to complaints about alleged failures to comply with laws he regulates, actively discourages people from complaining, my enthusiasm for defending falters.

To the IC I ask, do you want me to complain, and say how I have been affected by O2’s handling of my personal data? And if not, why not?

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Potential big DPA fine for NHS Trust

The Argus, a Brighton newspaper, is reporting that Brighton and Sussex University Hospitals NHS Trust has been served with a “notice of intent to fine” by the Information Commissioner (IC), for a breach of the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA). The sum proposed is £375,000.

Assuming the story is true, the notice of intent to fine would be, strictly, a notice of intent, under s55B of the DPA, to impose a Monetary Penalty Notice (MPN). MPNs were introduced into the DPA by the provisions of Criminal Justice Act 2003. They provide a means whereby the IC can impose financial sanctions on Data Controllers for serious contraventions of the data protection principles. The maximum amount for an MPN is £500,000, and the sums levied are not retained by the IC, but go to the consolidated fund.

The paper says

The incident relates to the theft of 232 drives out of 1,000 being decommissioned.

The Sussex Health Informatics Service was responsible for the disposal of the drives on the trust’s behalf and had appointed an individual to carry out the job.

In December 2010 it emerged four hard drives had been bought by a data recovery organisation on eBay.

The buyer contacted the trust and the drives were collected with the information destroyed.

An investigation revealed that 232 hard drives in total had been stolen and sold on.

The trust worked with the ICO, NHS Counter Fraud and Sussex Police and all the drives have been recovered.

The trust says there was a very low risk of any of the data being passed into the public domain.

Several points arise from this.

At a proposed £375,000 this MPN, if imposed, would be by far the highest so far served on a data controller. The previous highest – £130,000 – was imposed in December last year on Powys County Council.

The fact that news of the proposed MPN has come out before it has been actually served (that is, at the “notice of intent” stage) is perhaps connected with the fact that the Argus reports that “The trust says it will be contesting the fine”. By s55B(5) of the DPA a data controller in receipt of an MPN may appeal to the Information Tribunal against both the issue of the MPN, and the amount. If the Trust are contesting the fine now, they may ultimately decide to appeal to the Tribunal. This would be interesting: most of the guidance on sanctions for serious contraventions of the DPA comes from the IC himself, and from previous MPNs and undertakings. Many data controllers would find it helpful also to have some judicial analysis to draw on in these circumstances.

Until now, nearly all MPNs have been imposed on local authorities. I’ve previously questioned why this was, and posited that it would be a high risk move for the IC to serve an MPN on the NHS:

one wonders what sort of critical media coverage might ensue, as well as what the effect on the reputation of the DPA regime would be, if the IC were to impose hefty monetary penalties on the NHS. And as the sums levied go not towards improving general data security, but rather straight into the government consolidated fund, one begins to see why it might not be a particularly attractive option: a regulator who takes direly-needed money from the NHS, and places it in the government’s wallet, could well struggle to maintain popularity with the media and the public.

If this MPN is served, as intended, then the IC might be faced with headlines equating (for example) £375,000 to the amount it costs to employ a nurse, or a doctor or provide essentail but costly medical treatment. I hope (and I am sure) he has a strategy for such circumstances.

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Can the ICO Regulate the Internet?

It is…beyond doubt that the DPA was not designed to deal with the way in which the internet now works

says Tugendhat J in a crucial recently-published judgment (The Law Society & Ors v Kordowski [2011] EWHC 3185 (QB)), in which he lays into the Information Commissioner (IC), albeit in a polite, judgely manner.

The case concerned applications for injunctive relief against Kordowski, the publisher of the “Solicitors from Hell” website. The claims were in defamation, under the Protection of Harassment Act 1997, and the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA). Unsurprisingly, given the focus of the blog, it is the last I focus on, although one must be aware it was only one of the causes of action discussed.

It transpires that the Chief Executive of the Law Society, on behalf of many solicitors who felt aggrieved by the contents of the website in question (which invited people to “rate” and comment on solicitors, with predictably defamatory results) had complained to the IC that the site was in breach of the provisions of the Data Protection Act 1998 (DPA). On 6 January this year the IC replied, in a three-page letter, apparently saying that the exemption at section 36 of the DPA effectively meant he lacked jurisdiction to determine whether there had been a breach:

 The inclusion of the “domestic purposes” exemption in the Data Protection Act (s.36) is intended to balance the individual’s rights to respect for his/her private life with the freedom of expression. These rights are equally important and I am strongly of the view that it is not the purpose of the DPA to regulate an individual right to freedom of expression – even where the individual uses a third party website, rather than his own facilities, to exercise this.

Fellow blogger Tim Turner has already recently criticised the IC’s invoking of s36 to avoid regulating the internet/blogosphere. He will be pleased to see Tugendhat J agreeing with him, in pretty stern and unequivocal language, that using that DPA “domestic purposes exemption” to avoid regulating websites and blogs is not an option open, in general terms, to the IC.

The IC had said in his letter

The situation would clearly be impossible were the Information Commissioner to be expected to rule on what it is acceptable for one individual to say about another be that a solicitor or another individual. This is not what my office is established to do. This is particularly the case where other legal remedies are available – for example, the law of libel or incitement.

The slapdown from Tugendhat J is

 I do not find it possible to reconcile the views on the law expressed in the Commissioner’s letter with authoritative statements of the law. The DPA does envisage that the Information Commissioner should consider what it is acceptable for one individual to say about another, because the First Data Protection Principle requires that data should be processed lawfully. The authoritative statements of the law are to be found not only in the cases cited in this judgment (including para 16 above), but also by the Court of Appeal in Campbell v MGN Ltd [2002] EWCA Civ 1373 [2003] QB 633 paras [72] to [138], and in other cases. As Patten J made clear in Murray, where the DPA applies, if processing is unlawful by reason of it breaching the general law of confidentiality (and thus any other general law) there will be a contravention of the First Data Protection Principle within the meaning of s.40(1), and a breach of s.4(4) of the DPA. See also Douglas v Hello! Ltd [2003] EWHC 786 (Ch) [2003] 3 All ER 996 paras 230-239 and Clift v Slough Borough Council [2009] EWHC 1550 (QB) [2009] 4 All ER 756. The fact that a claimant may have claims under common law torts, or under HRA s.6, does not preclude there being a claim under, or other means of enforcement of, the DPA.

This, of course, places the IC in a very difficult situation (actually, according to him, an “impossible” one). In fairness to him, and in fairness to the judge, it is pointed out that IC was not in attendance nor represented in the proceedings, and it might be that he has a killer riposte up his sleeve. If not, he has a problem. Until now he has only had the criticism of mere people like Tim, or me, to lead him to question his approach to s36 and the internet.(Yes, yes, there was also the European Court of Justice, but the Lindqvist judgment was a very long time ago – effectively in pre-history – and therefore easy to sidestep). Now, given that a superior court of record has overruled him, and held that there were multiple breaches of the DPA in this case and that the IC was wrong in his application of the s36 domestic purposes exemption, he may find that his already over-stretched resources will have to cover complaints from people who feel that their rights under DPA have been both engaged, and breached, by other individuals on the Internet. Picking a theoretical example – a complaint from someone who objects to the uploading of a private photo of them to Facebook without their consent.

It also places bloggers, and social media users in general, in a potentially risky position. Tugendhat J distinguishes such internet publication from journalism (as does Hugh Tomlinson QC – who, uncoincidentally, I suspect, acted for the claimants in this case – in two important recent posts on the Inforrm blog). If we non-journalists are potentially subject to the DPA but lack the protection it offers to journalists, we could all find ourselves at risk not just of regulatory action from the IC, but those private actions which can also be brought under the Act.

One would hope that the new draft EC data protection regulation would grapple with “the practical difficulties raised by cases such as the present” but on first viewing I’m not sure it does. Whether the door would be open to the UK legislature to address the problem is a matter for conjecture. In the interim, however, with the publication of this judgment, the IC has some close reading to do.

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