Tag Archives: ICO

The Emperor has no clothes!

[reposted from my LinkedIn account]

When a public authority receives a Freedom of Information Act request and the requested information contains personal data (of someone other than the requester) it must first consider whether it can even confirm or deny that the information is held. For instance “Dear NHS Hospital Trust – please say whether you hold a list of embarrassing ailments suffered by Jon Baines, and if you do, disclose the list to me”. To confirm (or deny) even holding the information would tell the requester something private about me, and would contravene the data protection principles at Article 5(1) of the UK GDPR. Therefore, the exemption at s40 of FOIA kicks in – specifically, the exemption at s40(5A): the hospital can refuse to confirm or deny whether the information is held.

But suppose that, mistakenly, the hospital had perhaps confirmed it held the information, but refused to disclose it? The cork, surely, is for ever out of the bottle.

Upon appeal by the requester (this requester really has it in for me) to the ICO, I could understand the latter saying that the hospital should have applied s40(5A) and failure to do so was a failure to comply with FOIA. However, certainly of late, the ICO has engaged in what to me is a strange fiction: it says in these circumstances that it will “retrospectively apply s40(5A)” itself. It will pretend to put the cork back in the bottle, after the wine has been consumed.

And now, the Information Tribunal has upheld an ICO decision to do so, albeit with no argument or analysis as to whether it’s the correct approach. But even more bizarre it says

We are satisfied that the Commissioner was correct to apply section 40(5B) FOIA proactively, notwithstanding the information that has previously been provided by the Trust, to prevent the Trust from providing confirmation or denial that the information is held.

But the Trust had already done so! It can’t retrospectively be prevented from doing something it has already done. The cork is out, the wine all gone.

Am I missing something? Please excuse the sudden mix of metaphor, but can no one else see that the Emperor has no clothes?

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under Data Protection, FOIA, Freedom of Information, Information Commissioner, UK GDPR

Retaining data for journalistic purposes?

This is a quite extraordinary data protection story, by Jamie Roberton and Amelia Jenne of Channel 4 News , involving a mother of a woman who died in suspicious circumstances.

It appears that a “Victims’ Right to Review” exercise was undertaken by Gloucestershire Police, at the request of the family of Danielle Charters-Christie, who was found dead inside the caravan that she shared with her partner – who had been accused of domestic abuse – in Gloucestershire on 26 February 2021.

Officers then physically handed a 74-page document to Danielle’s mother, and the contents of it were subsequently reported by Channel 4 News. But, now, the police say that the Review report was “inadvertently released”, are demanding that Danielle’s mother destroy it, and have referred her apparent refusal to do so to the Information Commissioner’s Office as a potential offence under s170(3) of the Data Protection Act 2018.

That provision creates an offence of “knowingly,…after obtaining personal data, [retaining] it without the consent of the person who was the controller in relation to the personal data when it was obtained”.

But here’s a thing: it is a defence, under s170(3)(c) for a person charged with the offence to show that they acted (and here, the retention of the data would be the “action”) for the purposes of journalism, with a view to the publication by a person of any journalistic material, and in the reasonable belief that in the particular circumstances the retaining was justified as being in the public interest.

The ICO is tasked as a prosecutor for various data protection offences, including the one at s170 DPA. No doubt whoever at the ICO is handed this file will be having close regard to whether this statutory defence would apply, but will also, in line with the ICO’s duty as a prosecutor, to consider evidential factors, but also whether a prosecution would be in the public interest.

At the same time, of course, the ICO has civil enforcement powers, and might well be considering what were the circumstances under which the police, as a controller, wrongly disclosed personal data in such apparently serious circumstances.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Machine learning lawful basis on a case-by-case approach – really?

The Information Commissioner’s Office has published its response to the government’s consultation on Copyright and AI. There’s an interesting example in it of a “oh really?!” statement.

The government proposes that, when it comes to text and data-mining (TDM) of datasets that contain copyright works) a broad exception to copyright protection should apply, under which “AI developers would be able to train on material to which they have lawful access, but only to the extent that right holders had not expressly reserved their rights”. Effectively, rights holders would have to opt out of “allowing” their works to be mined.

This is highly controversial, and may be the reason that the Data (Use and Access) Bill has stalled slightly in its passage through Parliament. When the Bill was in the Lords, Baroness Kidron successfully introduced a number of amendments in relation to use of copyright info for training AI models, saying that she feared that the government’s proposals in its consultation “would transfer [rights holders’] hard-earned property from them to another sector without compensation, and with it their possibility of a creative life, or a creative life for the next generation”. Although the government managed to get the Baroness’s amendments removed in Commons’ committee stage, the debate rumbles on.

The ICO’s response to the consultation notes the government’s preferred option of a broad TDM exception, with opt-out, but says that, where personal data is contained in the training data, such an exception would not “in and of itself constitute a determination of the lawful basis for any personal data processing that may be involved under data protection law”. This must be correct: an Article 6(1) UK GDPR lawful basis will still be required. But it goes on to say “the lawfulness of processing would need to be evaluated on a case-by-case basis”. A straightforward reading of this is that for each instance of personal data processing when training a model on a dataset, a developer would have to identify a lawful basis. But this, inevitably, would negate the whole purpose of using machine learning on the data. What I imagine the ICO intended to mean was that a developer should identify a broad, general lawful basis for each dataset. But a) I don’t think that’s what the words used mean, and b) I struggle to reconcile that approach with the fact that a developer is very unlikely to know exactly what personal data is in a training dataset, before undertaking TDM – so how can they properly identify a lawful basis?

I should stress that these are complex and pressing issues. I don’t have answers. But opponents of the consultation will be likely to jump on anything they can.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under AI, Data Protection, datasets, DUAB, Information Commissioner, Lawful basis, parliament, Uncategorized

O’Carroll v Meta – what now for targeted adverts on Facebook

Following the news that claimant Tanya O’Carroll and defendant Meta have settled ahead of what was likely to be a landmark data protection case, what are the implications?

Ms O’Carroll argued that advertising served to her on Facebook, because it was targeted at her, met the definition of “direct marketing” under section 122(5) of the Data Protection Act 2018 (“the communication (by whatever means) of advertising or marketing material which is directed to particular individuals”) and thus the processing of her personal data for the purposes of serving that direct marketing was subject to the absolute right to object under Article 21(2) and (3) UK GDPR.

Meta had disputed that the advertising was direct marketing.

The “mutually agreed statement” from Ms O’Carroll says “In agreeing to conclude the case, Meta Platforms, Inc. has agreed that it will not display any direct marketing ads to me on Facebook, will not process my data for direct marketing purposes and will not undertake such processing (including any profiling) to the extent it is related to such direct marketing”.

One concludes from this that Meta will, at least insofar as the UK GDPR applies to its processing, now comply with any Article 21(2) objection, and, indeed, that is how it is being reported.

But will the upshot of this be that Meta will introduce ad-free services in the UK, but for a charge (because its advertising revenues will be likely to drop if people object to targeted ads)? It is indicating so, with a statement saying “Facebook and Instagram cost a significant amount of money to build and maintain, and these services are free for British consumers because of personalised advertising. Like many internet services, we are exploring the option of offering people based in the UK a subscription and will share further information in due course”.

The ICO intervened in the case, and have uploaded a summary of their arguments, which were supportive of Ms O’Carroll’s case, and her lawyers AWO Agency have also posted an article on the news.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under Data Protection, Data Protection Act 2018, facebook, Information Commissioner, marketing, Meta, Right to object, UK GDPR

Cabinet Office unsuccessfully appeals FOIA information notices

When a public authority relies on an exemption to refuse to disclose information in response to a Freedom of Information Act request, the requester can ask the Information Commissioner’s Office for a decision as to whether the refusal was in accordance with the law. In order to make such a decision, the ICO may often need to see the information withheld by the public authority. Where the public authority is unwilling to provide this, or perhaps drags its heels over it, the ICO may serve, under section 51 of FOIA, an “information notice”, requiring the information to be provided. Failure to comply with an Information Notice can be certified as contempt of court, but there is a right of appeal to the First-tier Tribunal.

And so it was that the Tribunal recently found itself hearing appeals by the Cabinet Office in relation to two Information Notices served on it by the ICO, who is investigating whether FOIA requests for information relating to Rishi Sunak’s declarations of interest when he was Prime Minister.

The Cabinet Office sought to argue, among other things, that access by the ICO was not necessary, was unfair and damaging to the process of handling ministerial declarations of interest, and would constitute unlawful processing of personal data. All of these arguments got short shrift from the Tribunal – ultimately, it held that it would not be possible to determine whether any of the exemptions prayed in aid by the Cabinet Office were made out without an examination of the material, and the appeals were dismissed.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under access to information, Cabinet Office, Freedom of Information, Information Commissioner, information notice, Information Tribunal, judgments

Cabinet Office wins Covid face masks FOIA appeal

The Information Tribunal has overturned a decision of the Information Commissioner’s Office and ruled that the Cabinet Office is not required to disclose minutes of meetings in June and July 2020 at which policy decisions were taken to make mandatory the wearing of face masks in shops and on public transport.

It is a shame that, for a decision of some import, the judgment reads like a stream-of-consciousness draft, and that it is infused with unnecessary sarcasm at various points.

The ICO had determined that although the exemption at s35 FOIA (for information relating to the formulation of government policy) was engaged. He acknowledged the importance of a protected space for government decision-making, and of the principle of collective responsibility, but decided that the “exceptionally weighty” public interest favoured disclosure.

The Tribunal, however, via reasoning which is – frankly – very difficult to follow, appears to have focused on the issue of “accountability”, something that the requester had mentioned rather in passing in support of his request, but which was not a matter expressly mentioned in the ICO’s decision. Having fixed on this concept, the Tribunal appears to have decided that as those in government at the time have since been held accountable in various ways, there was diminished public interest in achieving accountability by way of disclosure of the requested information. The key passage is probably this (at 57):

In considering the context of this request there is a stark contrast between the salience and effectiveness of other multiple forms of accountability…and the value of the information sought – in contrast with the risk of harm to the functioning of government caused by its release disproportionate to any benefit.

I do not say the Tribunal has necessarily got this wrong, but I do say that this a FOIA case of some significance, and that it warranted a clearer judgment.

Whether the judgment is amenable to an appeal is not entirely clear, but it’s worth pointing out that the original requester was not a party to, and was not joined to, these proceedings, and so I do not believe he himself has a right of appeal to the Upper Tribunal, and one wonders whether the ICO will have the enthusiasm to do so, given the costs involved.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Why is the ICO so quiet about prosecutions?

Not infrequently, I get contacted (personally and professionally) by individuals who are concerned that their personal data has been compromised in circumstances that may constitute the criminal offence of “obtaining” or “retaining”, under section 170 of the Data Protection Act 2018.

In many cases, there is not much I can bring to the table. If an offence has been committed then this is a matter for the prosecutor. Normally, for data protection offences, this is the Information Commissioner’s Office.

But what strikes me is that there appears to be no information on the ICO website for anyone who wants to report an alleged or potential offence. Their “For the public” pages don’t cover the scenario, and all of the data protection complaints information there is predicated on the assumption that the individual will be complaining about the data controller’s compliance (whereas, in a section 170 offence, the controller is more of the status of “victim”).

In fact, the best I can find is one brief reference (at page 61) of a lengthy guide to the DPA 2018, aimed at “organisations and individuals who are already familiar with data protection law”, and which doesn’t even actually explain that the offences described can be prosecuted by the ICO.

Dr David Erdos has recently highlighted both the low number of ICO prosecutions, and the rather slapdash way in which the ICO appears to be handling information about them. But the section 170 provisions are criminal ones for a reason: they will sometimes involve the most distressing and serious interferences with people’s data protection and privacy rights.

Surely the ICO should pay more attention to such incidents, and assist concerned data subjects (or others) who might want to report potential offences?

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Concerns over the Public Authorities (Fraud, Error and Recovery) Bill

When it comes to proposed legislation, most data protection commentary has understandably been on the Data (Use and Access) Bill, but it’s important also to note some of the provisions of the Public Authorities (Fraud, Error and Recovery) Bill, introduced in the Commons on 25 January.

The abandoned Tory Data Protection and Digital Information Bill would have conferred powers on the DWP to inspect bank accounts for evidence of fraud. To his credit, the Information Commissioner John Edwards, in evidence given on that earlier Bill, had warned about the “significant intrusion” those powers would have created, and that he had not seen evidence to assure him that they were proportionate. This may be a key reason why they didn’t reappear in the DUA Bill.

The Public Authorities (Fraud, Error and Recovery) Bill does, however, at clause 74 and schedule 3, propose that the DWP will be able to require banks to search their own data to identify whether recipients of Universal Credit, ESA and Pension Credit meet criteria for investigation for potential fraud.

But such investigative powers are only as good as the data, and the data governance, in place. And as the redoubtable John Pring of Disability News Service reports, many disabled activists are rightly concerned about the potential for damaging errors. In evidence to the Bill Committee one activist noted that “even if there was an error rate of just 0.1 per cent during this process, that would still mean thousands of people showing up as ‘false positives’, even if it just examined those on means-tested benefits”.

The Bill does not appear to confer any specific role on the Information Commissioner in this regard, although there will be an independent reviewer, and – again, creditably – the Commissioner has said that although he could not be the reviewer himself, he would expect to be involved.

It is worth also reading the concerns of the Public Law Project, contained in written evidence to the Bill committee.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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The state of central government transparency

[reposted from my LinkedIn account]

This is one of the most extraordinary FOIA judgments I’ve ever seen, and it says an awful lot about the approach to transparency at the centre of the civil service.

The Cabinet Office have been trying to resist disclosure under FOIA of copies of blank ministerial declaration of interest forms, on grounds that to do so would be prejudicial to the conduct of public affairs, because among other things [checks notes] “Disclosure may lead to speculative scrutiny regarding why certain elements are included in the forms, potentially leading to amendments to the form which undermines its effectiveness”.

But there’s also an extraordinary citation of a piece of evidence given by a Cabinet Office witness – the “Director of Propriety and Ethics” – to the effect that the system for Minister declaring interests relies heavily on the trust and candour of Ministers, and the effect of disclosure would be that they “may be reluctant to provide the same level of detail” than they do currently.

Let’s just think about that. Ministers have a constitutional and ethical duty to declare interests, but this relies on trust and candour, and disclosure of a blank declaration form might mean that those we trust to be candid in their ethical duty to declare those interests might decide to be less trustworthy and candid as a result? What a sorry state of affairs.

Fortunately, the Information Tribunal, like the Information Commissioner’s Office before, had no truck with these arguments, and refused the Cabinet Office’s appeal.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under access to information, Cabinet Office, FOIA, Freedom of Information, Information Commissioner, Information Tribunal, judgments

Clarity needed on NHS publication of reports into homicides

[reposted from my LinkedIn account]

Does the law need clarifying on the publication of reviews into homicides by those receiving mental health services from the NHS?

The Times led recently on stories that NHS England was refusing to publish the full independent report into the health care and treatment of Valdo Calocane prior to his manslaughter of three people in Nottingham in 2023. NHSE apparently argued that data protection and patient confidentiality concerns prevented them publishing anything but a summary. Under pressure from victims’ families, and the media, NHSE about-turned, and the full report is reported to contain damning details of failings in Calocane’s treatment which were not in the summary version.

Now The Times reports that this is part of a pattern, since last year, of failure to publish full reviews of homicides by mental health patients, contrary to previous practice. It says that NHSE received legal advice that the practice “could breach data protection rules and the killers’ right to patient confidentiality”. The charity Hundred Families talks of cases where the names of victims are not published, or even the identity of the NHS Trust involved.

Of course, without seeing the advice, it is difficult to comment with any conviction, but I did write in recent days about how the law can justify publication where it is “necessary for a protective function” such as exposing malpractice, or failures in services. And it’s important to note that, in many cases, such reports show failings that mean that killers themselves have been let down by the adequacy of treatment: publication can surely, in some cases, cast light on this so that similar failings don’t happen in the future. In any case, guidance says that those preparing reports should do so with a view to their being published, and so confidentiality concerns should be taken into account in the drafting.

However, if NHSE remains concerned about the legality of publication, and if its legal advice continues to say that data protection and medical confidentiality law militated against disclosure, it strikes me that this might call for Parliament to legislate. I also believe that it would be welcomed if the Information Commissioner’s Office issued a statement on the legal issues arising.

The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.

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Filed under access to information, Confidentiality, Data Protection, Information Commissioner, NHS