I’ve written an “initial thoughts” analysis on the Mishcon de Reya website of the some of the key provisions of the Data Protection and Digital Information Bill:
The Data Protection and Digital Information Bill – an (mishcon.com)
I’ve written an “initial thoughts” analysis on the Mishcon de Reya website of the some of the key provisions of the Data Protection and Digital Information Bill:
The Data Protection and Digital Information Bill – an (mishcon.com)
My Mishcon de Reya colleague Adam Rose and I have recorded a short (25 minute) podcast on the government’s recent announcement of proposed data protection reforms.
Filed under adequacy, Data Protection, Data Protection Act 2018, GDPR, UK GDPR
A while ago I wrote a piece on the Mishcon de Reya website pointing out that the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) had silently changed its guidance on how to calculate the “one month” timescale for responding to a subject access request under the General Data Protection Regulation (or “GDPR” – which is now domestic law in the form of the amended retained version of the GDPR, aka “UK GDPR”).
The nub of that piece was that the ICO (following the legal precedents) was now saying that “You should calculate the time limit from the day you receive the request“. Which was a change from the previous position that “You should calculate the time limit from the day after you receive the request “.
I have noticed, however, that, although the ICO website, in its UK GDPR guidance, maintains that the clock starts from the date of receipt, the guidance on “Law Enforcement Processing” (which relates to processing of personal data by competent authorities for law enforcement purposes under part 3 of the Data Protection Act 2018 (DPA), which implemented the Law Enforcement Directive) states that the time should be calculated
from the first day after the request was received
It’s not inconceivable (in fact I am given to understand it is relatively common) that a some controllers might receive a subject access request (or other data subject request) which must be dealt with under both the UK GDPR and the Law Enforcement Processing provisions (police forces are a good example of this). The ICO’s position means that the controller must calculate the response time as starting, on the one hand, on the date of receipt, and, on the other hand, on the day after the date of receipt.
And if all of this sounds a bit silly, and inconsequential, I would argue that it is certainly the former, but not necessarily the latter: failure to comply within a statutory timescale is a breach of a statutory duty, and therefore actionable, at least in principle. If the ICO really does believe that the timescale works differently under different legal schemes, then how, for instance can it properly determine (as it must, when required to) under Articles 57(1)(f) and 77(1) of the UK GDPR, or section 51(2) of the DPA, whether there has been a statutory infringement?
Statutory infringements are, after all, potentially actionable (in this instance either with regulatory action or private action by data subjects) – the ICO maintains a database of complaint cases and publishes some of this (albeit almost two years in arrears), and also uses (or may use) it to identify trends. If ICO finds that a controller has made a statutory infringement, that is a finding of potential significance: if that same finding is based on an unclear, and internally contradictory, interpretation of a key aspect of the law, then it is unlikely to be fair, and unlikely to be lawful.
The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.
The story about the hacking of Tony Abbott’s travel and other personal details, after he foolishly posted a picture of a flight boarding pass on social media, is both amusing and salutary (salutary for Abbott, and, I would suggest, Qantas and any other airline which prints boarding passes with similar details). What is also interesting to consider, is whether, if this hacking had occurred in the UK, it might have constituted an offence under data protection law.
Under section 170(1)(a) and 170(1)(c) of the Data Protection Act 2018 it is an offence for a person knowingly or recklessly…to obtain or disclose personal data without the consent of the controller, and also an offence for a person knowingly or recklessly…after obtaining personal data, to retain it without the consent of the person who was the controller in relation to the personal data when it was obtained.
There is at least an argument that this would have been a knowing obtaining of personal data without the consent of the controller (whether that controller was Qantas, or Abbott himself).
There are defences to both of these where the person can prove that the obtaining, disclosure, retaining etc. was in the particular circumstances, justified as being in the public interest.
Also, and this may be engaged here, it is a defence if the person acted for journalistic purposes, with a view to the publication by a person of any journalistic, academic, artistic or literary material, and in the reasonable belief that in the particular circumstances the obtaining, disclosing, retaining etc. was justified as being in the public interest. One does not have to be a paid journalist, or journalist by trade, to rely on this defence.
Prosecution in both cases may only be brought by the Information Commissioner, or with the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions. The offences are triable either way, and punishable by an unlimited fine.
I write all this not to condemn the “hacker”, nor to condone Abbott. However, it is worth remembering that similar hacking, in the UK at least, is not without its risks.
The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.
Filed under Data Protection, offences
“Uber gives police private data on drivers and passengers” announces The Times(£) this morning.
In this post, much to my surprise (I have never taken an Uber, and don’t intend to – I don’t like their business model), I come to the defence of Uber.
A closer read of the Times piece reveals that what is being referred to, in documents filed with the High Court, in proceedings regarding TfL’s refusal to renew Uber’s licence, is requests to Uber from the police to disclose personal data for the purposes of the prevention and detection of crime or the apprehension or prosecution of offenders.
Such requests are commonly made to thousands of public authorities and private companies. They used to be known in data protection and police circles as “section 29 requests”, after the relevant section of the now-repealed Data Protection Act 1998. The term was a bit misleading: section 29, now replaced effectively by paragraph 2 of Schedule 2 to the Data Protection Act 2018, has the effect of disapplying the provisions of data protection law which would otherwise prevent the disclosure of personal data to the police (or others), and where not disclosing would be likely to prejudice the purposes of the prevention and detection of crime or the apprehension or prosecution of offenders. This is a necessary provision of data protection law, and provided that (as with all provisions) it is applied correctly and proportionately, it works very well: it gives controller the power to disclose personal data to the police where it is necessary for criminal justice.
If Uber are dealing with police requests appropriately, it is for the public good that personal data which assists the police to investigate drug transporting and human trafficking is made available to them.
In fact, I strongly suspect that The Times will receive such requests from the police. When the requests are related to the paper’s journalistic activities they are probably, and probably rightfully, refused, but they may well get requests in respect of their employees’ data, and I would be very surprised if they don’t sometimes – as a responsible company – comply with these.
Transport for London certainly receives such requests. Indeed, as a public authority, under its transparency measures, it has habitually made statistics on this public. The most recent publication I can find shows that 2012 to 2017 TfL received an average of approximately 10,000 requests each year.
Will The Times now report that TfL is handing over to the police thousands of pieces of intelligence on members of the public each year?
Filed under Data Protection, Data Protection Act 2018, data sharing, police
The exercise of the right of (subject) access under Article 15 of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) is the exercise of a fundamental right to be aware of and verify the lawfulness of the processing of personal data about oneself.
That this is a fundamental right is emphasised by the range of enforcement powers available to the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO), against those controllers who fail to comply with their obligations in response to an access request. These include the power to serve administrative fines to a maximum amount of €20m, but, more prosaically, the power to order the controller to comply with the data subject’s requests to exercise his or her rights. This, surely, is a basic function of the ICO – the sort of regulatory action which underlines its existence. This, much more than operating regulatory sandboxes, or publishing normative policy papers, is surely what the ICO is fundamentally there to do.
Yet read this, a letter shown to me recently which was sent by ICO to someone complaining about the handling of an access request:
Dear [data subject],
Further to my recent correspondence, I write regarding the way in which [a London Borough] (The Council) has handled your subject access request.I have contacted the Council and from the evidence they have provided to me, as stated before, it appears that they have infringed your right to access under the GDPR by failing to comply with your SAR request. However, it does not appear as though they are willing to provide you with any further information and we have informed them of our dissatisfaction with this situation.
It is a requirement under the Data protection Act 2018 that we investigate cases to the ‘extent appropriate’ and after lengthy correspondence with the Council, it appears they are no longer willing co-operate with us to provide this information. Therefore, you may have better results if you seek independent legal advice regarding the matters raised in this particular case.
Here we have the ICO telling a data subject that it will not take action against a public authority data controller which has infringed her rights by failing to comply with an access request. Instead, the requester must seek her own legal advice (almost inevitably at her own significant cost).
Other controllers might look at this and wonder whether they should bother complying with the law, if no sanction arises for failing to do so. And other data subjects might look at it and wonder what is the point in exercising their rights, if the regulator will not enforce them.
This is the most stark single example in a collection of increasing evidence that the ICO is failing to perform its basic tasks of regulation and enforcement.
It is just one data subject, exercising her right. But it is a right which underpins data protection law: if you don’t know and can’t find out what information an organisation has about you, then your ability to exercise other rights is stopped short.
The ICO should reboot itself. It should, before and above all else, perform its first statutory duty – to monitor and enforce the application of the GDPR.
I don’t understand why it does not want to do so.
[P.S. I think the situation described here is different, although of the same species, to situations where ICO finds likely non-compliance but declines to take punitive action – such as a monetary penalty. Here, there is a simple corrective regulatory power available – an enforcement notice (essentially a “steps order”) under section 148 Data Protection Act 2018.]
The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.
No surprise…but ICO has only issued four notices of intent to serve a fine since GDPR came into application (and one fine)
I made a quick Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request a few weeks ago to the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO), asking
since 25 May 2018
1) how many notices of intent have been given under paragraph 2(1) of schedule 16 to the Data Protection Act 2018?
2) How many notices of intent given under 1) have not resulted in a monetary penalty notice being given (after the period of 6 months specified in paragraph 2(2) of the same schedule to same Act)?
I have now received (4 September) received a response, which says that four notices of intent only have been issued in that time. Three of those are well known: one was in respect of Doorstep Dispensaree (who have since received an actual fine – the only one issued under GDPR – of £275,000); two are in respect of British Airways and of Marriott Inc., which have become long-running, uncompleted sagas; the identity of the recipient of the final one is not known at the time of writing.
The contrast with some other European data protection authorities is stark: in Spain, around 120 fines have been issued in the same time; in Italy, 26; in Germany (which has separate authorities for its individual regions), 26 also.
Once again, questions must be asked about whether the aim of the legislator, in passing GDPR, to homogenise data protection law across the EU, has been anywhere near achieved.
The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.
One question prompted by the news (original source: 2040training) that Elizabeth Denham, the Information Commissioner, is currently working from her home in Canada, is whether the files and matters she is working on, to the extent they contain or constitute personal data, are being transferred to her in accordance with Chapter 5 of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR).
Chapter 5’s provisions mean that personal data can only be transferred to a country outside the European Economic Area in certain circumstances. In general, these boil down to: 1) if the European Commission has made an adequacy determination in respect of the country, 2) if Commission-approved standard contractual clauses are in place, 3) if binding corporate rules are in place, 4) if Article 49 derogations for specific situations are in place.
So, can one play a distracting little parlour game looking at what international transfer mechanism Ms Denham and the Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) in the UK have adopted? No need, says the ICO. What is going on is not an international transfer of the type envisaged by GDPR.
The ICO’s guidance on the subject introduces the not-unhelpful term “restricted transfers”, to describe those transfers of personal data to which Chapter 5 of GDPR applies. However, it includes in its category of transfers which are not restricted, the following example
if you are sending personal data to someone employed by you or by your company, this is not a restricted transfer. The transfer restrictions only apply if you are sending personal data outside your organisation
So (at least to the extent that she, as Commissioner, is employed by, or embodies, the ICO) transfers of personal data to Ms Denham in Canada are not restricted transfers to which Chapter 5 of GDPR applies. There is, as it were, a corner of a foreign field that is forever Wilmslow.
The basis for the ICO’s position here, though, is not entirely easy to discern, and the position does not appear to be one that is obviously shared by other data protection authorities, or the European Data Protection Board (unless the latter’s impending guidance on international transfers proves me wrong).
And it does strike me that the ICO’s position is potentially open to abuse. What if, for instance, someone decided to set up a medical data analytics company in the UK, with no UK employees, but a branch office in, say, Syria, employing hundreds of people there, and to where all of medical data it gathered was sent for storage and further processing, would the ICO still take the view that this was not a restricted transfer? Given the intense scrutiny which the CJEU applied to the US surveillance regime in the Schrems litigation, is it really likely that it would agree with a legal approach which resulted in data manifestly being in a state whose laws were deficient, but such data was not protected by the Chapter 5 provisions?
A similar issue might arise with another aspect of the ICO’s guidance, which implies that a transfer to a country outside the EEA, but which is a transfer to a controller to which the GDPR extra-territorial provisions apply, is also not a restricted transfer. If that controller was in, say South Sudan, would the ICO hold its position?
None of this is to say, of course, that the fact that a transfer may not be a restricted one means that all the other GDPR obligations are set aside. They continue to apply, and, no doubt, Ms Denham and the ICO are doing all they can to comply with them.
The views in this post (and indeed most posts on this blog) are my personal ones, and do not represent the views of any organisation I am involved with.
Filed under Data Protection, GDPR, Information Commissioner